ÉCONOMIE
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LA CRISE 2007/2008/2009
Le G-20 du 2 avril 2009
- Macro economic stability and financial regulation: key issues for the G20 - An e-book from CEPR >>
 
Quels economistes faut-il avoir?
- Steve Keen, "Neoclassical economics: mad, bad, and dangerous to know" >>
 
Articles et opinions
- Guillermo Calvo, "Lender of last resort" >>
- Joseph Stiglitz, "A Bank bailout that works"
>>

- Paul Krugman, NY Times, "Bigger than Bush" >>
- Perry Anderson, New Left Review,
"Jottings on the conjoncture" >>
- Le plus grand désastre depuis 1929? Contre-info >>
- Paul Krugman, "Don't cry for me, America" >>
- George Soros, Financial Times >> et aussi >>
- Dossier Subprime crisis, Financial Times >>
- Daniel Cohen, le Monde 10 janvier 2008 >>

The $10 trillion hangover
Paying the price for eight years of Bush
by Linda J. Bilmes and Joseph E. Stiglitz >>
Les erreurs économiques de la Maison Blanche de George W. Bush sont en train de jeter une ombre sur la prochaine génération d'Américains. lire l'article en anglais >>

LE CYCLE DOHÀ
Selon Zaki Laïdi, il existe trois manières de penser les négociations commerciales multilatérales : i) la vision libérale, que partagent les Etats-Unis et beaucoup de pays émergents; ii) la vision d'inspiration européenne; iii) la vision des pays les moins avancés, qui insistent sur le lien entre commerce et développement et qui ont pour souci de conserver un accès préférentiel et inconditionnel aux marchés du Nord tout en étant exemptés des disciplines collectives qu'ils jugent irréalistes compte tenu de leur faible développement. Lire le texte intégrale. Et plus d'nformation

ÉCONOMIE PARTICIPATIVE
L’économie participative  (Parecon de son abréviature en anglais) est un type d’économie proposé comme une alternative au capitalisme contemporaine. Equité, solidarité, diversité et autogestion participative  en sont les valeurs sous-jacentes. Les principales institutions proposées sont les conseils de travailleurs et de consommateurs dont les principaux outils sont la prise de décisions autogérée,  les complexes de jobs équilibrés, la rémunération selon les efforts et les sacrifices, et la planification participative. Plus d'information

LA CRISE 2007/2008/2009
MARCH 2009:
UN COMMISSION OF EXPERTS - SUMMARY REPORT
REFORMS OF THE INTERNATIONAL
MONETARY AND FINANCIAL SYSTEM
>>>

Dani Rodrik, Looking forward to 2009?

It will be a watershed year, ushering a new world economic order--with the disorder most likely coming first. I just don't have the foggiest idea what this new order will look like.

It will be a time when we will all have to change our tune and have to think out of the box. I for one will worry more about growth in the advanced countries than in the developing world, will be warning against the dangers of protectionism, will be singing the praises of the IMF (if its recent actions and pronouncements are a guide), and will fret about too much state intervention. Changing times require changing lines...

Here are four things that will determine how much doom and gloom is yet to come:

Will the U.S. policy response be “bold” enough? Barack Obama has promised that it will be, echoing at least part of FDR's famous call for “bold, persistent experimentation” at the height of the Great Depression in 1932. In particular, he will need to go beyond Keynesian policies of fiscal stimulus to heal the deep wounds to economic confidence that lie at the root of the present crisis. So far, confidence-building measures have been limited to financial markets, but the needs of Main Street are no less important. Workers who worry about being laid off are unlikely to go on a spending spree regardless of how much money fiscal stimulus puts in their pockets. Just as banks are hoarding cash, households will try to preserve wealth by increasing their saving. To counter this, incentives targeted directly at preserving employment will have to be part of the solution.

Will Europe get its act together? This could have been Europe’s moment. After all, the crisis originated in the U.S. and left American policy focused on its domestic troubles, opening up room for global leadership by others. Instead, the crisis has demonstrated the deep divisions within Europe—on everything from financial regulation to the requisite policy response. Germany has dragged its feet on fiscal stimulus, stymieing what should have been the second leg of a globally-coordinated fiscal action plan. Alas, the best that can be hoped at this stage is that Europe will not undermine the global fiscal stimulus which even the International Monetary Fund—the guardian of fiscal orthodoxy—regards as absolutely essential.

Will China hold together? China is a country of enormous tensions and cleavages beneath the surface, and these will find more occasion to erupt into open conflict in difficult economic times. Experts on China differ in their estimate of the rate of economic growth the country needs to create employment for the millions that flock into its urban areas every year. But it is virtually certain that China will fall short of this threshold in 2009. The question is whether policy actions to date will do enough to stem a socially and politically dangerous slowdown in the economy. Whichever way the Chinese leadership responds, future generations may remember 2009 less for its global economic and financial crisis than for the momentous transformation it will have caused in China.

Will there be enough global economic cooperation? When domestic needs become paramount, global economic cooperation suffers. But the costs of protectionism in trade and finance are especially large at moments like these. So far the International Monetary Fund has reacted with new-found vigor, establishing a much-needed short-term lending facility and warning against too little fiscal stimulus. The World Trade Organization, meanwhile, has wasted valuable time on the irrelevant Doha round. It should have focused its efforts on monitoring and implementing the commitment made by the Group of 20 countries not to raise trade barriers.

Did I say happy new year?

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